Features
Blue: variational pattern non-attested
(2) Basua urez betetan dot
(3) Kantetan dot
(4) kantaten dot
(5) apurtuten dot
(6) haserraketan da
(7) etxean egoiten naiz
Elortza, Jerardo. 1995. «Aditzaren izen-forma Deba Garaian eta Araba aldean». In Ricardo Gómez and Joseba A. Lakarra (eds.), Euskal Dialektologiako Kongresua [Supplements of ASJU XXVIII]. Donostia: Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia. 465-477.
Erostarbe, Amaia. 1995. «Aditz izenak Oñatiko hizkeran». In Ricardo Gomez and Joseba A. Lakarra (eds.), Euskal Dialektologiako Kongresua [Supplements of ASJU XXVIII]. Donostia: Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia. 495-517.
Trask, Larry. 1996. «On the history of the non-finite verb forms in Basque». In José Ignacio Hualde, Joseba Andoni Lakarra and Robert Larry Trask (eds.), Towards a History of the Basque Language. Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 131. John Benjamins Publishing Company. 207-234.
Zuazo, Koldo. 2008. Euskalkiak, euskararen dialektoak. Donostia: Elkar.
Generalized pattern. The suffix appearing in the imperfect analytic configuration is -ten or -tzen (usually decomposed into the nominalizer te/tze + the inessive adposition -n). When the participial ends in -n or [s, z, ts, tz]i, it takes -ten in the imperfect. In others, it takes -tzen.
Variational pattern 1. In some varieties, -ten is the imperfective suffix when the participial ends in -a, -e, -o, -gi, -ki and -[l, n, r]i, (bota --> botaten, bete --> beteten, jo --> joten, jagi --> jagiten, euki --> eukiten, ibili --> ibilten, ipini --> ipinten, ekarri --> ekarten).
(1) | Baloia | botaten | dot |
ball.ABS | throw.IPFV | (3ABS).have.1SG.ERG | |
‘I throw the ball.’ |
Variational pattern 2. In some varieties, -a and -e ending participials take the -etan imperfective suffix.
(2) | Basua | urez | betetan | dot |
glass.ABS | water.INS | fill.IPFV | (3ABS).have.1SG.ERG | |
‘I fill the glass with water.’ |
Variational pattern 3. In some varieties, -etan is the imperfective suffix when the participial is -au: kantau --> kantetan.
(3) | Kantetan | dot |
sing.IPFV | (3ABS).have.1SG.ERG | |
‘I sing.’ |
Variational pattern 4. In some varieties, the older -ten is the imperfective suffix when the participial is -au: kantau --> kantaten.
(4) | Kantaten | dot |
sing.IPFV | (3ABS).have.1SG.ERG | |
‘I sing.’ |
Variational pattern 4 is reported in: the northwest of Biscay and in all coastal varieties.
Variational pattern 5. When the participial is -tu, -atu, -itu and -idu, then, -tuten is the imperfective suffix (apurtu --> apurtuten, konturatu --> konturatuten, garbitu --> garbituten, entendidu --> entendituten).
(5) | Apurtuten | dot |
break.IPFV | (3ABS).have.1SG.ERG | |
‘I break it.’ |
Variational patterns 1, 2, 3 and 5 are reported in: western varieties.
Variational pattern 6. In some varieties, -ketan is the imperfective suffix, instead of -tzen, with certain verbs (verbs having -atu and -tu participles, if the stem ends in -n), and apparently, more prominently when the verb is derived (Erostarbe 1994). -Keta is a nominalizing suffix used to form activity names and names of abundance (zezen-keta (bull-KETA) ‘buff-fighting’, jende-keta (people-KETA) ‘crowd’) (Trask 1996).
(6) | Haserraketan | da |
angry.IPFV | (3ABS).be | |
‘He/she gets angry.’ |
Variational pattern 6 is reported in: certain western varieties (e.g. Arrasate and Oñati).
Variational pattern 7: In some varieties, -iten is the imperfective suffix (egoiten, emaiten, eramaiten).
(7) | Etxean | egoiten | naiz |
home.INE | be.IPFV | 1SG.ABS.be | |
‘I am usually at home.’ |
Variational pattern 7 is reported in: north-eastern varieties and in some varieties of the north-western part of Nafarroa.
Chapter: Aspect
Keywords: aspect, imperfective, inessive, nominalization


Elortza, Jerardo. 1995. «Aditzaren izen-forma Deba Garaian eta Araba aldean». In Ricardo Gómez and Joseba A. Lakarra (eds.), Euskal Dialektologiako Kongresua [Supplements of ASJU XXVIII]. Donostia: Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia. 465-477.
Erostarbe, Amaia. 1995. «Aditz izenak Oñatiko hizkeran». In Ricardo Gomez and Joseba A. Lakarra (eds.), Euskal Dialektologiako Kongresua [Supplements of ASJU XXVIII]. Donostia: Gipuzkoako Foru Aldundia. 495-517.
Trask, Larry. 1996. «On the history of the non-finite verb forms in Basque». In José Ignacio Hualde, Joseba Andoni Lakarra and Robert Larry Trask (eds.), Towards a History of the Basque Language. Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 131. John Benjamins Publishing Company. 207-234.
Zuazo, Koldo. 2008. Euskalkiak, euskararen dialektoak. Donostia: Elkar.
ABL: ablative
ABS: absolutive
ABSERG: absolutive in Ergative Displacement context
ALL: allative
ALLO: allocutive
APPL: applicative
BN: bounded
CAUS: causative
COMP: complementizer
DAT: dative
DD: dative displacement
DEST: destinative
ED: Ergative Displacement
ERG: ergative
FAM: familiar
F: feminine
GEN: genitive
IPFV: imperfective
INE: inessive
INS: instrumental
M: masculine
MOD: mood
NMLZ: nominalizer
NONFAM: non-familiar (2nd person)
NP: noun phrase
PTCP: participle
PST: past
PL: plural
POST: postposition
PROG: progressive
PROS: prospective
PRTV: partitive
REL: relational postposition
RES: resultative
SG: singular
SOC: sociative
TERM: terminative
UNBN : unbounded